Burmese killed for his idealism (interview)

He was shot while standing in the taxi queue with his grandson in his arms. On a tight hold, with a bullet in the back of the head. The name of the Burmese lawyer is U Ko Ni. Kill the 29. January by the killer Kyi Lin. Until then, he was Myanmar's leader Aung San Suu Kyi's prominent lawyer, and considered a reformer of the old constitution.

According to editor Aung Zaw in the Irrawadi independent newspaper, the backers are not yet taken. Suu Kyi has also not publicly commented on this, according to the newspaper. But the official statement of the president's office is that this must have been a political act to destabilize the country. U Ko Ni had just worked on writing a new constitution to replace the one made by the military.

Quasi-federalism. We go back one year in time, when Ny Tid met U Ko Ni for a longer conversation about the possibilities for the country's new government under Suu Kyi. We visit him at his home law firm in downtown Yangon. We ask him about the laws – which according to the rumors are not applied, even though they exist. "Most of the authorities use the laws to create trouble for people by punishing them, rather than developing the people's opportunities," U Ko Ni replies. "Laws should rather protect people's rights." He describes how the military still has the power through the old constitution. The military chooses the most important ministerial posts, says U Ko Ni. "We must first change the legal situation, then we can change the administrative one. Today, the administration is governed by the interior minister, who is elected by the military over the president. " The Minister of the Interior controls everything administratively and the entire police force. In addition, the Minister of Defense and the Minister of Border Affairs are appointed by the Chief of Military.

Since Myanmar is formally a federal system of states, we ask U Ko Ni whether these regions of different ethnic groups have independence. "We have as many as 14 governments, 14 parliaments and 14 different supreme courts," he says. "But all this is only visible – since the whole country is ruled by the Ministry of the Interior. So unfortunately we have a quasi-federalism. The individual state and ethnic groups can elect their leader, their government and their parliament locally, but they are not given any power by the central government. We should introduce a real democratic system of self-determination for the politicians of the regions. "

During their stay in Myanmar, Ny Tid constantly heard about major differences in who benefits from the country's resources. Some states or regions have large deposits of the green gemstone jade, there are many gold mines and there are some particularly rich agricultural areas. The Kachin state in the north, for example, is rich in resources, but the people are poor. "No, it is not a fair system when it is governed by the central government," said U Ko Ni. "Such resources should exist for the people."

If you have a little fun drawing cartoons of leaders, you may find that the military's information department closes your Facebook account. I read about this in Irrawadi, and therefore ask U Ko Ni for a comment. 'Yes, that law must be changed. The law must develop the possibility for people to communicate, not restrict people. "

Corruption. And this brings us to the sore spot in Myanmar – the widespread corruption. Something the country's leader Suu Kyi is also careful to take quickly, to avoid offending the many powerful who have great benefits from what they have robbed. U Ko Ni also emphasizes that the current new government must move slowly – it can be dangerous to offend the existing power apparatus too much. A few people are tyrannical and have great power. But as U Ko Ni emphasizes: The military dictatorship has now had to bow to the people, who want change – all the millions who wore red t-shirts in 2015-2016 marked that they now wanted democracy.

But what if someone shoots and kills Suu Kyi before she can carry out these democratic processes? How dangerous is the reform work? Is the life also at stake for the lawyer behind the rewriting of the constitution, in which they deprived the military of the power they had ruled with for 50 years?

"Yes, we must be careful," he confirms. "If we go too fast, dangerous conflicts of interest arise. We need between five and ten years to change things – which is a challenge for us. "

"The military is trying to hold on to power for as long as they can. Before they ruled through weapons now they are trying through the old constitution. That's why I want to change it now. "

I mention Pakistani leader Benazir Bhutto, who was shot and killed in 2007, and suggests a possible connection – but here U Ko Ni disagrees: "Pakistan and Myanmar's cultures are different. Myanmar's people are kind-hearted, unlike in Pakistan or Bangladesh. Our country has Buddhist traditions. People understand Suu Kyi's situation, the people are there to protect her. The country's hope is Lady Aung San Suu Kyi – the people are behind our new great leader. "

The lawyer also describes her diplomatic abilities: “Suu Kyi grew up in a military environment with her father, the general who led the country. She knows the way of thinking in the military. We just need to change the attitudes of a few dozen people – the military is not just an evil, but a necessary institution in the country. "

Probably the power elite killed the man I was talking to last year – because he was the main exponent of changing the laws that had given them benefits. I remember him saying the following about corruption: “Along the way, we have had three anti-corruption laws: the old one established by the British government, then one in 1948, and recently a new anti-corruption law that is not so bad. It's just that these laws have not been implemented in 40 years! This is the main problem in this country. "

Muslims. We had to turn off the big fan in the room, the sound recording of our two cameras required it. It's terribly hot, and sweat is running down U Ko Ni's forehead, but we're on.

There was some criticism of U Ko Ni's party NLD (National League for Democracy) during the election processes where Muslims were not really included in governing bodies. In addition, some Buddhist monks attacked Muslims. "I reckon these monks are making sense," says U Ko Ni. "Here we have seen a political split-and-rule strategy promoted by the old governments from 2012."

But how great is the freedom to think differently in a Buddhist-dominated nation – or to promote the secular? "According to the constitution, we have freedom of religion. This is accepted by the government. But in connection with the election, several lobbied to create a hatred of Muslims. Some simply did not want change, so they set Buddhists up against Muslims. "

Why are there so few Muslims in the NLD? I ask him. "The situation for Muslims is not so good in this country. The NLD does not want to discriminate, but Muslim candidates are not so wanted, as such candidates create problems. I think Muslims will understand. For example, in the Baberan metropolitan area, where more than 70 percent of the population is Muslim, one Buddhist candidate was chosen to represent them. This happened because those who can change the country are probably Buddhists – that's why Muslims vote that way. "

And what about the Muslim Rohingya people? These, U Ko Ni explains, originate mainly from Bangladesh. Without citizenship, they do not have the right to vote in elections, and their so-called issued White Cards from the immigration authorities only have them "until a permanent card is granted, after a period of examination".

Military. We are sitting on the second floor of the poor part of town. A steel door separates the dusty stairs and dilapidated building from the somewhat more elegant office and anteroom. The conversation turns to the military, which is deeply involved in business: “It is especially military officers who own some of the holding companies here in Myanmar. They have almost control over all business. They nurture strong personal interests rather than the interests of the people. But it is probably mostly the former military leaders who possess this. "

And what about those who are to uphold the laws, such as the police force? "We have to reform the police force. We do not need a central police ministry for the whole country, the local states should have their own. "

Again, U Ko Ni addresses corruption: "Very many are corrupt in this country. This is because the salary in lower positions in the public sector is too small to cover what is necessary. But at a higher level, we have the middle class and a number of middle managers who have a good enough salary – but who abuse their power. Then we have ministers and their colleagues, who allow this abuse of power, and who themselves pay money under the table. This is a big problem for us, and the situation requires reforms. "Even if Suu Kyi appoints some ministers who do not engage in corrupt activities, there will still be a problem down the ranks."

For U Ko Ni, the military is the main problem, which has ownership interests in the country's main resources. But he is still optimistic: "The whole country supports Suu Kyi, so the military will probably understand and conform to reality." But he also points out, as we sit in the cramped little office: “The military is trying to stay in power for as long as they can. Before they ruled by arms – now they are trying through the old constitution. That's why I want to change it now. "

On January 29, he had just returned from Indonesia, while the killer in tow with several others was waiting for him to take him off for days.

Reformer. This is what the great idealist told me about the reforms. The man who wanted to rewrite the laws. This was the man who went out and talked about the rights of the people. He also visited Oslo a couple of years ago, together with Suu Kyi, under the auspices of the Norwegian Burma Committee. On January 29, he had just returned from Indonesia, while the killer in tow with several others was waiting for him to take him off for days.

It is clear that the elite he criticized in this interview did not like what he did. Unfortunately, there is little faith in Myanmar that those who placed the order higher are held responsible for the murder.