Forlag: La fabrique éditions (Frankrike)
The French philosopher Grégoire Chamayou, who in 2013 bragged through the sound wall with his Theory of the drone (Theory you drone), in which he exposed the killer's philosophical constitution, has in his latest book La societé ingouvernable: Une généalogie du libérealism authoritarian turned to a broader historical study of the "institutional, social, economic and political" context that led to the drone as an emblem of a new type of "human" warfare by other more advanced means. The book gives a rare insight into the calibration of a somewhat heavier war machine than the drone, namely the ensemble of practices and "political technologies" that can be summarized under the term "government art" (You're the governor).
Liberal or authoritarian?
Chamayou focuses on the changes that governmental art has undergone in the liberal tradition during the latter half of the twentieth century, with special pressure on the period from when Thatcher and Reagan embarked on their famed transatlantic pair race in the 1980 under the TINA slogan (there is no alternative) . Liberalism, like the book's subtitle Une genealogy of liberalism authoritarian (the genealogy of authoritarian liberalism) indicates, has always balanced on a knife-edge between liberal and authoritarian tendencies. One of the chapters of the book is thus aptly called "Hayek in Chile," and deals with how the American banner of neoliberalism and Nobel Prize-winning economist Friedrich Hayek uncritically embraced and even hailed Augusto Pinochet's bloody military coup as a form of "bourgeoisie dictatorship" a transitional government that would pave the way for the "free" game of the market.
What must be done?
The episode in Chile in the early 68s was symptomatic of the new crisis management experiments initiated by a pressured US capital command, prompting widespread fear of an insidious communist world offensive. In the wake of, among other things, May XNUMX, according to Chamayou, Western politicians and intellectuals spread a notion that this state of crisis (which, in Cold War rhetoric, was always caused by communist agents and sympathizers) could not be isolated to the global periphery but that the core liberal values of Western democracies themselves were crumbling and that the ability to govern these societies was seriously challenged. In the United States was business-as-usual no longer possible without major protests from everything between civil rights movements. . .
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