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The labor movement of our time

Why are we still talking about the labor movement in today's Norway?




(THIS ARTICLE IS MACHINE TRANSLATED by Google from Norwegian)

Not long ago we celebrated 1. May with all that it entails. Appeals, trains, and a good party to hear and should. A regular highlight in Oslo this day for young, left-wing people is the event The event Red on Blue, under the auspices of the Left Alliance. At this party, at one point I had a conversation with someone who rhetorically asked if this is really a party for labor movement. But what is the labor movement today, and is it still as important?

The Norwegian labor movement. When Norwegian People's Aid was founded in 1939, it was with the background of the Spanish Committee and the Labor Sanitation. The labor movement was probably somewhat more easily defined at that time: the Norwegian middle class was considerably smaller, while the working class was correspondingly larger. At that time, many Norwegians had trouble making ends meet, while a significantly larger proportion of the population engaged in physical labor. For many, the physical worker is a strong symbol of the difference between a capital owner and a pure worker. This difference is not as clear today – many earn more, and non-physical work is more widespread.

An important point is that the development from 1939 to the present is not universal, and that the working class at the global level has not followed the same path as the Norwegian. The Norwegian development is partly due to the state taking control of the oil discoveries, and the large female share in the labor market has also played a role.

The development of a large middle class may have made the labor movement less visible. Traditionally, the middle class has been placed above the working class purely socio-
economically, so when the majority of the Norwegian population belongs to the middle class, the role of the labor movement becomes less clear. As a result, the labor movement seems less radical than before; the actions of the movement have been involved in drawing the working life in the workers' direction. Thus, the need for real radicalism may seem less necessary. Today, there is apparently much less talk about ideology than before, simply because the vast majority of workers in today's Norway make ends meet. Why talk about dividends and labor power if we, the workers in Norway, really feel good as it is?

Options. Both in Norway and in general, however, inequalities are increasing. Few resources are distributed in a few hands, while others receive less and less disposable income. One of the most important tools for increasing differences is the ability to organize. This protects society from the fact that political influence depends on status and capital, and instead contributes to good democratic processes. For the worker, this is an invaluable security.

Internationally, we are well acquainted with underpaid and exploited workers, for example on some South African vineyards. Norwegian People's Aid collaborates with some of the workers who have known these problems on the body. Just like us, these workers also depend on someone to pay enough for their labor. They have no rights as workers, and are therefore in a position where those who are higher up in the system than those who hold all power. The entire work is based on the employer's premises.

In order for large parts of the work that takes place to take place on the worker's terms, we have to organize ourselves. The labor movement is and will be international, and will be fundamental for women and men in the streets as long as we follow the current economic system. The labor movement is as important as it has always been, but the movement's expression will change in step with working life.

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