(THIS ARTICLE IS MACHINE TRANSLATED by Google from Norwegian)
The credibility of practical politics can often be measured in a party's ability to understand contexts. When SV initially rightly states that a rich state starves many municipalities, everyone in SV can still agree that the political battle for increased financial transfers to the municipal sector will continue in the next parliamentary term. When SV in the next round will quite rightly strengthen democracy by developing municipal councils, county councils and the Storting as decision-making arenas, everyone in SV can still participate in the fight against privatization of the public sector, depoliticisation, de-democratization and the fight against market power in all social arenas. It is when SV minimizes the state as a democratic arena with great significance for people's living conditions and quality of life that the connections in politics are missed. Put at the forefront, SV in the Storting, with a large degree of political precision and decision-making power, takes political control of the number of breeding wolf pairs in Norway, but in the name of municipal "freedom", SV may be at risk of contributing to poor and needy people in Norway exposed to differences in living conditions and welfare services depending on place of residence. It is not sufficiently connected when SV in some political issues fights for (the Storting's) political control over the number of kroner for textbooks, binding and binding national environmental standards and maximum price for kindergarten places, while other political issues are handled in a Kardemommeby-influenced understanding of the municipal sector as a tool for the good and close decisions of all.
State decay
As little as in the Storting, the political struggles in county councils and municipal councils are some Sunday school. The struggle for a stronger welfare state takes place, inter alia, in the political connections between the decision-making levels of the administrative levels. It is easy to rush when a conflict is constructed between the legislative and appropriating authority of the Storting and the will and ability of people to engage politically. The French sociologist and radical Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002) used his last political powers to fight what he referred to as the state's decay and the withdrawal of the state's political responsibility. He argued that the dominant and oppressed had to defend the social aspect of the state, especially at times when the state is undermined both internally and externally by the economic and neoliberal forces (Moteld. Texts against the spread of neoliberalism.
The need for community solutions subject to popular control is increasing. Norwegian and international capitalism has never provided everyone with sufficient security for good living conditions and common interests. For SV, the struggle for political control and elected control of market participants is fundamental to people's real power in areas that matter. The political struggle for the welfare state of the future will continue to be about fair tax funding and a solidarity redistribution. Political control of the Storting's legislative power has a historical basis in the workers' movement's emphasis on justice and equality, and not least in the political struggle for dignified welfare systems that include everyone.
Communalist Ring
Central welfare areas within the social and care sector have been partially communicated in the last ten years. As a blemish in Norwegian social history, it should be emphasized that the financial social assistance to the poorest has always been subject to local authority. The development away from rights thinking to a discretionary and subject-oriented legislation within kindergarten, school, social and health legislation, apparently has its political basis in a pressure to promote municipal self-government. Until now, this political pressure has come from the right wing in Norwegian politics, including the right wing in the Labor Party. With the help of the framework financing of municipalities and county municipalities, the Storting has been able to decentralize political issues to political arenas with little real room for maneuver. There are vulnerable groups, with great need for help and dependence on public services, who have borne the brunt of the political game between the state and the municipal sector. The "right" to so-called rationed benefits, rationed after the shifts in political priorities in the Storting, county councils and municipal councils, is not a right that ensures elderly people in need of care, the disabled, the poor, the sick, vulnerable children and young people and other disadvantaged justice and good living conditions. We are in danger of this form of decentralization, communalisation and non-binding welfare law contributing to weakening the political support for the welfare state as a community-building project.
solidarity
The SV must fight for socialist social development in many ways. The foundation will continue to be the struggle for a society and a welfare state which by its own right prevents exclusion from the community's joint and common solutions. In today's situation, the SV must fight for the rights and security of the exposed, and stand in solidarity with the requirements that the user organizations themselves point out as crucial to their living conditions. The most urgent areas that require SV's solidarity in the coming parliamentary period include the fight for continued statutory right to special education in education legislation, a binding and rights-based health care for the population, a fight against poverty in Norway based on decent national social security benefits and national social security obligations and national social benefits. this scheme is still municipal and quality standards and rights-based care and care services for the elderly, the disabled and others with special needs.
No idyll
Power and dominance can also have a public face, and SV must nuanced and critically decide which interests the various positions in the public sector promote. It is often actors in positions of power and with strong self-interests in the public administration, unfortunately also in their own party, who lead the debate about the public sector. In such a debate, SV's position must be different. SV must support groups and interests that are in positions of power. SV's collective solidarity can not only be applied to those groups that are able to position themselves in the decision-making processes. We must continue to be trusted as a political tool for the oppressed and contribute to liberation. An idyllic view of the municipal sector, which is unable to see the connections to the Storting as a political management tool, is a high stakes game for the groups that need SV's solidarity the most. A romanticization of municipal self-government is best done on paper, but does not reflect class analyzes and the political power struggles that will continue to take place over the future welfare state.
