Want more union

When the Danish people went to the polls in 1972, Steen Gade – a long-time top politician in the Socialist People's Party – was an ardent opponent of membership in the EC. Twenty years later, he said no to union, when the Danes were to vote on the Maastricht Treaty. As SF's spokesman on European issues, he was the architect behind the National Compromise, which led to a new Maastricht referendum in which Denmark's four exceptions were in place. Now he is out of top politics, and an ardent supporter sea union. As an avid speaker – not least in upper secondary schools in Denmark – Steen Gade has developed and deepened his view of Europe's development. Now it has become a book, "Gades Europa", mainly written at the cabin in the innermost part of the Bunnefjord.

More union

What makes it possible to go from adversaries of the entire EU project, through union skepticism to sworn union supporters? For Steen Gade, it is largely about taking reality into account and recognizing that the EU is the institution that unites Europe, the arena where the freedom of the market can be controlled by common minimum standards that ensure welfare and the environment. And then, Gade thinks, it is sea, and not less, union that needs to.

One of the big, important events that gradually changed Steen Gade's view of the EU and Europe occurred on a November night in 1989. The Berlin Wall, the physical expression of an iron blanket that had divided Europe since the end of World War II, was shattered by cheering East- and West Germans. As in Norway, the struggle against the Iron Curtain and for a unified Europe was at the core of the Danish left-wing political visions. For years, left-wing socialists like Gade had rejected both Washington and Moscow as guiding stars.

- When the Berlin Wall fell, the opportunity opened up to unite Europe in a peaceful and honorable way, says Steen Gade. He points out that in Denmark it was precisely the Socialist People's Party that became the major agitators for the EU to open its doors to the countries in the east. Others were more skeptical of letting the "poor cousins" in so quickly. Now, Gade believes, the EU must be used to create equalization between rich and poor countries in Europe, and the enlargement process must continue. In particular, he believes it will be a challenge to include the countries in the Balkans. – I do not think you can choose the same procedure as you have used before, where one and one country negotiates. When it comes to the Balkans, we should have a process where these countries are forced to sit down and negotiate with each other, and develop a co-operation that reduces the conflicts in the area, says Gade.

Internal market

The second perspective that is important for Steen Gade is related to the EU's internal market, which was established in 1986. For both Gade and others on the left, criticism of the internal market has been an important part of criticism of the entire EU project. But now, Gade believes, the left must recognize that there is an internal market with a free flow of capital, goods, services and labor. The question is what can be done to ensure the environment, welfare and workers' rights in such a situation.

- I agitated strongly against the internal market when it was introduced, because I thought too little consideration was given to workers 'rights, too little consideration for the environment and working environment, too little social considerations and too little consideration for consumers' rights. The introduction took place too much on market conditions. But it became introduced, and from that I draw two conclusions, says Gade.

- To match the freedoms of the market, we must introduce high minimum regulations at EU level. The Left Party's values ​​must be added to the management of the internal market, says Gade. He points out that many have been skeptical about, for example, letting the EU get involved in tax policy, but believes that this is precisely a field where the nation states cannot make decisions alone.

- What are we experiencing today? Yes, that each country tries to lower corporate taxation to prevent flagging of businesses to other countries. This competition leads to ever lower corporate taxation, and threatens welfare, says Gade. He believes it is imperative that the EU adopts a minimum level of corporate taxation, in order to stop competition between countries for the lowest possible tax level.

Amsterdam

But in 1997, something happened in the EU that further influenced Steen Gade's view of the organization. EU leaders gathered in Amsterdam, and came to a treaty that, according to him, added a social dimension to the internal market.

- I almost thought that the Amsterdam Treaty was my own, and it was disappointing that SF said no to it, says Gade. – Giving the market resistance requires more European cooperation, not less.

The third, important perspective for Steen Gade is related to the United States' role as the only remaining superpower. He believes that a counterweight is required, and he believes that this counterweight is about more than dealing with international crises such as the Iraq war.

- There is a "fight" on a global level between economic systems, pages Gade, and emphasizes that "fight" should be quoted. This time, Gade believes, it is not a battle between planned economy and market economy as during the Cold War.

- But there is a hell of a difference between Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Germany and other European countries on the one hand, and the United States and Great Britain on the other. In Europe, we have welfare societies that, despite variations, are quite similar. In the United States, we see a crude capitalism that is foreign to us, he says. And Gade believes that it is through deepening EU cooperation that one can take up the fight against the Anglo-American model.

- I am not saying that the EU is like that today, but the EU should and can play that role.

So, Gade believes, the EU should and can play the role of ally of third world countries that want stronger global institutions. – We should work with progressive governments in the south – Thabo Mbeki in South Africa, Lula in Brazil – to take up the fight for common global rules. And we should throw ourselves into the fight for democracy, says Gade.

- I know that George Bush is also talking about the fight for democracy, but that can not stop us from supporting a democratic development in the third world. The left was at the forefront of giving the former colonies their freedom, and should now make it their project to fight for democracy in the same countries. The left has not taken that challenge to a large enough degree.

myths

One of the myths Steen Gade wants to deal with is that the EU is just a "marketplace".

- The EU is a battleground, where both the right and the left are present, and for me it is a paradox that many on the left will not be present and fighting, says Gade. "Many" is, however, a relative term – Steen Gade points out that communists and left-wing socialists in very many European countries have been enthusiastic about EU cooperation – not least from countries that have had a weaker economic starting point, or fresher democracies.

- You are agitating for more union, but does that mean that people's influence over politics is reduced?

- No, it is a myth that you get less power at the national level when you hand over power to the EU level. It is often the opposite, says Gade, and cites environmental issues as one example.

- As a citizen, I have no less influence from the introduction of supranationality in the environmental field, if I am concerned about the environment. If we manage to develop democracy at European level, we will all have greater influence as citizens, says Gade. Another area he points to is refugee policy, where Denmark uses its exception to the EU's common policy to tighten tighter than the rest of the union. The consequence, Gade points out, is that the responsibility is shifted to other countries – including Norway. And, if the EU had not otherwise had a common policy, competition would develop between the countries to pursue the strictest asylum policy.

In area after area, Steen Gade believes, the same applies: A common policy prevents countries from competing to ease the burden on each other: Taxes, refugees and the environment are mentioned. The list can be made longer.

Formal and real right of disposal

- This is about the difference between formal and real autonomy. One reason people are tired of politics is that they see politicians promising things they can not keep. Instead, politicians get involved in details, says Gade.

- Democracy in the EU – or the absence of this – is an important argument for many EU opponents. How do you envisage this developing?

- The European Parliament is important, and the left must support a strengthening of the parliament. There are many who believe that the parliament "takes" power from the national parliaments, but I disagree: More power to the European Parliament means increased democracy. Then the commission must also be strengthened. There are many who talk about the enormous EU bureaucracy, but I think it is needed more bureaucrats. Take, for example, the EU Commissioner for Foreign Affairs, Javier Solana. He does an important job, but has only 30 employees. What is it, compared to an agency in Oslo municipality? If the commission is weakened, it means more power for the big countries. Then it is the bureaucrats in the foreign ministries of Germany, France and Great Britain who get more power, says Steen Gade, who wants to weaken the forum where the representatives of the nation states meet: the Council of Ministers.

- The heads of state want to have a playground for themselves in the Council of Ministers, but it is not wise to strengthen the heads of state's position too much, says Gade. He rather envisions an EU where representatives meet on an equal footing at the federal level – not where decisions are made in a power struggle between the nation states.

Danish exceptions

Steen Gade's home country is now facing two EU political tug-of-war: a referendum on the four exceptions, and a referendum on the new EU constitution. Steen Gade thinks it will create some irritation in the EU if Denmark refuses to cooperate on refugee and asylum policy, because they then ease the responsibility to other countries, but otherwise does not think a no to remove the exceptions will create special problems.

But when it comes to the new EU constitution, Gade believes that a Danish no will create bigger problems. The last time the Danes rejected a further development of the EU project, after the Maastricht meeting in 1992, Steen Gade was one of the architects behind the National Compromise, which thus gave Denmark exceptions from certain aspects of the agreement. The national compromise also meant that the EU made certain concessions, including in terms of transparency in the decision-making processes.

- But if the Danes say no to the constitutional treaty, we have a different situation, because it is difficult to see that one can ask for an exemption from the treaty. Therefore, a no will be difficult to administer, says Gade, who nevertheless will not predict what such a no will actually mean for Denmark's relationship with the EU.