(THIS ARTICLE IS MACHINE TRANSLATED by Google from Norwegian)
[new york, usa] "And so?" This was said by US Vice President Dick Cheney last week, when asked to comment that opinion is overwhelming against the war in Iraq: "You can't let polls blow one of the courses."
His attitude to the fact that the number of US soldiers killed in Iraq has reached 4 000 reflects a similar level of sympathy. They "took on the uniform voluntarily," the vice president told ABC News.
This wall of indifference helps explain the paradox of the anti-war movement after five years of occupation of Iraq: Attitudes toward the war are strong, but the movement is shrinking.
64 percent of Americans state in opinion polls that they are against the war, but that does not appear to be the slender attendance of marches and watches.
When asked why they did not express their views on the war through the anti-war movement, many say they have lost faith in the power of the protest. They marched against the war before it began, and they marched on the markings for the first, second and third years in Iraq. Five years later, American leaders still shrug: "And then?"
Changing tactics
There is no doubt that the Bush administration has proved to be unacceptable to public pressure. Therefore, it is now time for the anti-war movement to change tactics. We should put in the power where we can still make an impact: with the leading candidates in the contest to become the Democratic presidential candidate.
Many argue otherwise. They say that if we want an end to the war, we should choose a candidate who is not John McCain, the Republican candidate, and help him win: We can take the details when Republicans are off 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington DC. the most prominent voices against the war, from MoveOn.org to the magazine we write for, The Nation, has chosen this path and put the punch in Obama's election campaign.
This is a serious strategic mistake. It is during a fierce election campaign that the war's counterparts actually have the opportunity to lead American politics.
The moment we choose the side, we reduce ourselves to cheerleaders.
And when it comes to Iraq, there is little to cheer on. Looking past the rhetoric, it is clear that neither Barack Obama nor Hillary Clinton has a real plan to end the occupation. However, they may be forced to change their policies thanks to the unique dynamics created by the lengthy nomination process.
Clinton has been urged to retire for "the sake of unity," but it is Clinton's and Obama's fierce battle for votes that gives the anti-war movement its best pressure point. And our pressure is badly needed.
For the first time in 14 years, gun manufacturers donate more to Democrats than to Republicans. The Democrats have received 52 percent of the defense industry's political donations in this election campaign – up from a low of 32 percent in 1996. The purpose is to shape foreign policy, and so far it seems to have been well spent money.
While Clinton and Obama condemn the war with great passion, both have detailed plans to continue it. Both say they intend to maintain the massive green zone, where the monstrous US embassy is located. They will also retain US control of Baghdad airport.
Veterans Against War
They will have a deployable force that can be deployed in counterterrorism operations as well as US trainers for the Iraqi military. In addition to these soldiers, the army of diplomats in the Green Zone will need heavily armed security measures, which are currently being taken care of by Blackwater and other private security companies.
At the moment, there are just as many private entrepreneurs supporting the occupation as there are soldiers. Thus, these plans could mean that tens of thousands of Americans will be entrenched in Iraq in the future.
In sharp contrast to such a scaled-down occupation stands the unequivocal message from hundreds of soldiers who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan. Earlier this month, Iraq Veterans Against the War held the historic "Winter Soldier Hearings" in Silver Spring, Md. [For four days, veterans from all over the country gathered to share their experiences with Iraq and Afghanistan. The testimonies are posted at http://www.ivaw.org/wintersoldier, overs. note.] These veterans do not support specific candidates or parties. Instead, they demand an immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all American soldiers and contractors.
Peace activists' demands for an immediate withdrawal have been dismissed as naive. It is noticeably more difficult to ignore this requirement when it comes from hundreds of past and present soldiers at the front.
Prohibition of Blackwater
The candidates know that much of the passion that drives the electoral campaign in the future comes from a widespread desire among the broad masses of Democrats to end this disastrous war. It is the yearning for a change that has filled the seats and the money box.
A key point is that candidates have already proved vulnerable to peace camp pressure: When The Nation revealed that none of the candidates supported legislation that would prohibit the use of Blackwater and other private security companies in the United States, Clinton turned abruptly. She became the most central American leader who advocated a ban. In doing so, she scored a point on Obama, who has been opposed to the invasion from the very beginning.
This is exactly where we want the candidates: In a race to prove how serious they mean it when they talk about ending the war. That kind of case-oriented struggle has the power to activate voters and break the cynicism that now threatens both electoral devices.
Let us remember that unlike the Bush administration, these candidates need support from the two-thirds of Americans who oppose the Iraq war. If meaning is translated into action, they will not be able to afford to say, "And so?"
Naomi Klein is a Canadian journalist, activist and author of the bestseller No Logo (2000) and The Shock Doctrine: The Progress of Disaster Capitalism (2007). Jeremy Scahill is a digging journalist from the United States, author of Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army (2007).
Translated by Tonje Merete Viken
