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"All the warring parties in Syria are criminals"

We met Syrian peace activist Maram Daoud during the world's largest peace political festival.




(THIS ARTICLE IS MACHINE TRANSLATED by Google from Norwegian)

Maram Daoud was born in Damascus in 1989 and lived in Syria until 2015, when he settled in Geneva. He has a master's degree in International and European Security based on studies of sanctions. He is also a member of the General Assembly of the "Syrian Democratic Conference", which was held in Geneva in April 2017. Ny Tid received an interview with him during the World Youth Festival in Sochi in October this year.

Beginning. - How was Syria before the war and the uprising began?

Syria worked relatively well economically and socially, but there was no freedom to form political parties or express own political opinions. The Syrian uprising broke out to demand the right to express himself freely.

- So why was the uprising militarized and dominated by Islamists?

After suppressing political life in Syria for decades, people were willing to join anything just to express opposition. Because of the violence the uprising was met with from the Syrian regime, and later also because of foreign states' involvement in Syria, it was easy to arm people. Initially, people wanted to defend themselves against the Syrian regime, but it was also foreign powers such as the Gulf states that wanted to lead the Syrian community in a violent direction.

The actors. - Can you tell us about the situation in Syria today, and who are the main players now?

In 2017, what is going on in Syria is no longer a revolt, but a deputy war, and to some extent a civil war. The main players in Syria – the professional military players – are the Syrian regime, Islamist groups such as IS and al-Nusra, and Kurdish PYD who control northern Syria.

Realistically, there is no other way out than negotiations.

- Why collaborate «The free Syrian hary " with the Islamists?

Because the Islamists are professional. They have fought in Iraq and Afghanistan, so they know how to fight urban wars. Second, they have a network of sponsors. The small militias needed more weapons. Therefore, it was easy for the Gulf states and groups such as IS and al-Qaeda to manipulate them to become more religious.

- You've been in the past «National Coordination Committee for Democratic Change» (NCC). Can you tell us about this group?

At the time I was in the NCC, we considered it so that democratic change was more rational than working for the regime to collapse, because the regime was interwoven with all the functions of the state. The NCC played a positive role, but did not succeed in becoming the main representatives of the uprising.

- What kind of party is the ruling Baath party?

In theory, it is pan-Arab and socialist. In reality, it is a one-party government that suppresses the rights of minorities such as Kurds and Assyrians. And it is very corrupt – it only gives positions to members of some specific families.

- Will it resolve the situation if Bashar al-Assad resigns as president?

Of course not. Before leaving, he must be part of a transitional period aimed at making the Syrian state democratic. Deretter should he step down. The Assad regime has no future in Syria.

- Large parts of northern Syria are controlled by «Syria's Democratic Forces» and Kurdish PYD. How do you view these groups?

Let's start by admitting that they give women more rights, that they are secular and that they fight terrorism. This is the positive part of their board. But the negative is that they are a one-party government. They want to control everything – just like the Baath Party.

War crimes and sanctions. – There have been several charges against the Syrian government for war crimes. Do you think these charges are correct?

Let me first say that the Syrian regime is the main responsible for what is going on in Syria. They are the ones who control the state apparatus. All the armed groups in Syria – including the regime – are committing war crimes and crimes against humanity. After six years of war, it is difficult to put the blame on one side. In my eyes, they are all criminals.

- What is it like to live in areas controlled by the opposition?

Life there is very difficult. Not primarily because of opposition groups, even though they have their share of the blame, but because the regime besieges the areas and prevents humanitarian aid from entering.

The sanctions are not directed against the Syrian regime, but against the Syrian people. And the people are suffering.

- Norwegian authorities have recognized «Syrian National Council» as the legitimate representative of the Syrian people, imposed financial sanctions on the Syrian government and provided military training to Sunni Muslim rebels in Jordan. How do you rate this policy?

Let me say the following to them: First, there is no single group representing the entire Syrian people. Had it done so, there would have been no war. There are no groups that are the only legitimate representatives of the Syrian people.

Secondly, these sanctions are not directed at the Syrian regime, but at the Syrian people. The people suffer because of the sanctions. I lived in Syria until 2015 and know what sanctions mean, what it means when your family can't send you money from abroad. Most of the day we do not have electricity in Syria because we do not have oil because of the sanctions. And there are also sanctions on medicines.

When it comes to training soldiers to fight in Syria – what will that lead to? The war will continue. We must support negotiations and political peace processes – not support militias fighting the Syrian regime. When you support a group, others respond by increasing the support of other groups. The end result is only more violence in Syria.

Negotiations are the way out. - What is your hope for Syria, and what do you see as a realistic way to end the conflict?

In principle, I would like to see the Syrian people detach themselves from the political leaders who manipulate them, regardless of party. Realistically, there is no other way out than negotiations. We have the negotiations in Astana that have achieved a ceasefire to some extent. But it must be combined with the political process in Geneva, which is paralyzed today. We must combine the political process with the ceasefire so that the negotiations can move forward and hopefully end up in a peace agreement.

Aslak Storaker
Aslak Storaker
Storaker is a regular writer in Ny Tid, and a member of Rødt's international committee.

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