(THIS ARTICLE IS MACHINE TRANSLATED by Google from Norwegian)
During a recent state visit to South Africa, President Robert Mugabe stated that he "would not see a single white face". This cast a dark shadow over the racial issue in Zimbabwe, pointing back to 1999, when land reform was introduced by the ZANU-PF-led government to counter the support the newly established Movement for Democratic Change Party (MDC) received from white landowners. With Morgan Tsvangirai at the forefront, the worker-supported MDC posed a major threat to President Robert Mugabe's 19-year reign.
During the period 1999 – 2003, Zimbabweans witnessed a forced removal of white farmers. Laws were quickly established to justify the brutal takeovers of farms. War veterans, who since their release in 1980 had wanted land reform, suddenly became landowners, while government ministers exploited their position and became owners of several farms. Some white farmers remained on the farms, mostly because of their relationship with the local community, as well as the new owners wanting to utilize the knowledge and equipment of the white farmers.
Gloomy development. However, the new "winners" of land reform did not know what to do. Some sold all the equipment they found on the farms, or went in to destroy what they saw as colonial relics. In the eastern highlands, large parts of the banana and macademia
the plantations taken over by influential politicians, who harvested what they found, and became absentee landowners. Water and rubber plantations were invaded. The people of the province today mourn the loss of their largest employer, the lumber industry.
The new landowners became part of the class of Zimbabwe's small-scale farmers. What set them apart from the white farmers was that they had land, but no capital to buy materials and agricultural implements. They lacked experience and knowledge, and were unaware of the new trends in agricultural
industry. Since the government had given them the land, it also expected that they would give them seeds, fertilizers and other material.
Today, Zimbabwe has become a 35-year-old pariah state. For a country that was once South Africa's bread basket, and where thousands of people were strengthened through land reform a couple of years ago, this is a bleak development.
While Zambia, Zimbabwe's neighbor (believed to be Zimbabwe's former white farmers now), is expecting a highly productive crop year, Zimbabwe is facing an imminent drought – the worst since 1992. The corn market (GMB) has run out of corn flour , and are unable to pay for deliveries made by farmers to their silos last season. Because GMB could not pay, most landowners from land reform moved on to tobacco, the country's "money crop". But this season prices of tobacco fell due to fear of insider trading. Small-scale farmers were hit hardest. Most of the farmers said they did not want to go back to the land because of the low prices.
Today, Zimbabwe has become a 35-year-old pariah state.
Split. Interestingly, ZANU-PF has used the land problems as an excuse to remove some of its own "party faithful" who are accused of supporting former Vice President Joyce Mujuru in her fight to take over the Robert Mugabe presidency. Didymus Mutasa and Ray Kaukonde, among others, were accused of retaining white farmers in the land they acquired.
Zimbabwe is celebrating its 35th anniversary with a deeply divided ruling party and an equally inept opposition to the recently concluded boycott – apparently to promote reform. These actions led ZANU-PF to anchor its board until the next elections in 2018. This has sealed the fate of Zimbabwe's graduates, who have to sell goods on the streets because industries are closed down. Civil society appears to have been silenced after the disappearance of activist Itai Dzamara six months ago. While the politics of survival enter the main scene, there is very little Zimbabweans can do beyond witnessing the revolutionary party "eating their own children".
Kabwato is a New Age correspondent in Zimbabwe.
